October 2020


  1. How to greet in the post pandemic world?
  2. Researchers tackle racial inequality
  3. The case for a green recovery in post-COVID Latin America
  4. What’s behind violence in South Africa: a sociologist’s perspective

How to greet in the post pandemic world?


When you extend your hand to shake, you are extending a bioweapon. Every time you touch a surface, you may be picking up to 50 percent of the organisms on that surface. Our hands can carry Salmonella, E. coli, norovirus and respiratory infections like adenovirus and hand-foot-mouth disease. 

But how can we stop doing something that is so ingrained? Social distancing seemed impossibly hard to adapt to at first. Could the handshake die out? And if it does, what could replace it?

It started centuries ago as a symbol of peace, a gesture to prove you were not holding a weapon, and over time it became part of almost every social, religious, professional, business and sporting exchange.

Today, shaking hands has become a global standard for greetings and business. Even though handshakes are not literally used to ascertain whether the other person is holding weapons anymore, they have maintained their signal of showing good intentions. That is an especially important signal in business contexts, where people are often meeting with strangers in highly consequential settings

We are social beings. When we meet one another, we like our presence be acknowledged by a little touch. In the middle of the coronavirus it has become clear just how intimate such a gesture is.

It is not so much that handshake itself that is important, but rather the culturally universal message it conveys: one of cooperation and connection. After all, from bowing to pressing noses, alternatives already exist. If there is a societal need to adapt, we as human beings are immensely capable.

Handshakes may be just the tip of the iceberg when gauging how our social lives, both personally and professionally, might be changed by COVID-19. Interactions with family, friends and colleagues may take on a fresh new look, as many of the behaviours we are forced or encouraged to adopt during the pandemic could carry over once we are through the worst of it. Will sidewalk conversations with neighbours continue at a distance? When will we feel comfortable enough to go to a music concert, or will the newly found joy we have discovered in jigsaw puzzles and homemade cocktails supplant the need to go out?

We’ve missed those really deep, emotional connections with people who aren’t in our immediate household, but as we venture out and start doing things with people with whom we don’t have a strong relationship, we will probably be much more hesitant to shake someone’s hand, to give somebody a hug.

Numerous factors make predicting post-COVID behaviour difficult, including people’s fears of infection, the social acceptability of their actions, and what they see others doing. Habits formed during the pandemic may also have a large role. For example, see a growth in digital contact, including over such video chat interfaces as Zoom, FaceTime and Skype, as more people become familiar with them for both work and social settings.

New habits are only likely to stick in a post-COVID world,  the pandemic will accelerate trends already in motion, such as online shopping and alternate forms of dining, while mass entertainment such as music concerts and sporting events face a possible double whammy, as our initial reluctance to put ourselves in crowded situations may be exacerbated by whatever activities we’ve adopted in recent months. Once we are not afraid, we might be comfortable going back to them. But just because we are comfortable going back does not mean we have not replaced them with something else.

If we develop a vaccine and this coronavirus in some sense goes away, we would not be surprised if things went back to normal until there was another scare. But if there is a lingering problem, if it hangs on or mutates, or people can get re-infected, then I think there is a higher probability of long-term change. There might be some proportion of people who just will not go see a play anymore or go to the movies or a busy restaurant. Like ever again.

Among the many things we will reassess in the wake of covid-19, why not consider whether the namaste can permanently do that job better?  As its wordless suggestion of warmth and sincerity might win out eventually. A certain immunologist could do the countries a favour by trying the namaste at the next world summit.


By : Vidhi Bubna

Date : October 3, 2020

Source : Modern Diplomacy


Back to top

Researchers tackle racial inequality


Seven teams of professors from a range of disciplines were awarded funding through a U-LINK social equity rapid response challenge.

Almost anywhere you look, disparities linked to race and ethnicity are apparent in the United States.

The onset of COVID-19, and the higher incidence of cases in minority communities, as well as the death of Minnesota resident George Floyd at the hands of a white police officer only underscored the nation’s history of treating Blacks unequally.

But how can a university help to end the systemic racism in the United States and improve equality in things like health care, education, housing, and law enforcement?

One way is through research and scholarship. This summer, University of Miami faculty members assembled teams to delve into the roots of these inequities and to offer tools to local communities to reduce racial bias. Recently, seven teams were awarded funding through the University of Miami’s Laboratory for Integrative Research (U-LINK) social equity challenge and are now starting to work on their interdisciplinary projects. The one-year grants aim to elevate society’s awareness of racial inequities and to develop timely solutions for addressing oppression and discrimination in all its forms.

“There is no greater or more pressing issue of societal importance than that of anti-Black racism. We intentionally situated U-LINK in this space, intending that scientists and scholars from across the institution could work collaboratively to ask important questions that meld disciplinary boundaries,” said Erin Kobetz, the University’s vice provost for research and scholarship. “Through this [challenge], we have the power to make real and necessary progress toward equity.”

Founded in 2017, U-LINK brings together researchers from a range of disciplines across the University to solve complex, societal problems. It is a major initiative of the University’s strategic plan, called the Roadmap to Our New Century. Existing U-LINK teams are investigating novel, sustainable ways to protect our coastlines from sea level rise and working to understand how extremist groups attract and motivate members using social networks.

Kobetz said she was pleased by the enthusiastic response from University faculty for the social equity challenge. In fact, the request for proposals sent in June netted more than 25 project ideas, she added, with the most diverse representation of faculty since the U-LINK program began. Each proposal was reviewed by at least three faculty experts and was discussed and scored by all reviewers. Final funding decisions were made by the Office of the Vice Provost for Research and Scholarship in concert with a funding committee comprised of University leadership. In addition to the seven teams funded through the official call for proposals, Kobetz decided to fund two additional teams tackling issues of racial equity and justice that had received U-LINK funding in the past.

While one team aims to document the fissures that led to the prejudice of many Latin-American, Caribbean, Asian, and African immigrants against Blacks in Miami, another will create a training manual for local community members on how to craft a municipal budget that aligns with their priorities, instead of simply cutting money from police departments. Yet another will examine the factors that lead to early childhood resilience among Black children in Miami-Dade County, which is a key indicator of a child’s success in school and beyond.

The most successful teams were those that decided to focus on local issues where their research and suggestions could make the most impact, said Ali Mosser, senior manager of research, development, and strategy in the Office for the Vice Provost for Research and Scholarship.

“When teams tackled the issues that plague our Miami community, or targeted populations that are often ignored by scholars, or the University community, those proposals stood out,” Mosser said.

The proposals awarded grants include:

  • Antiracism and climate justice dialogues to build an interdisciplinary course and research inquiry

This project will organize several conversations and presentations around the ideas of antiracism and climate justice—or the idea that adaptation to climate change must be done in fair and equitable ways, so that the consequences for residents of all backgrounds are transparent and responsible. In addition, faculty will create a foundation for interdisciplinary classes or seminars offered by a community of climate scholars and researchers on campus, in collaboration with organizations from the Black communities in South Florida.

Principal investigator: Katharine Mach, associate professor in Marine Ecosystems and Society


  • Building Native American and global indigenous studies at the University of Miami

This team aims to elevate the indigenous history of South Florida as well as the hemisphere within the University of Miami’s curriculum, research, and social activities for students. In addition, the group will support and amplify the voices of Native American and indigenous students, faculty, and staff members on the University’s campuses.

Principal investigator: Tracy Devine Guzman, associate professor of modern languages and literatures


  • Community-based budgeting as an antidote to police violence

Instead of simply defunding police departments, as many protesters suggested in recent months, this project would create an alternative. It would design a training manual for crafting a community-based budget that would allow residents of municipalities to have more input on how local funds are dispersed. The reason for this manual? In the past, local residents have been largely excluded from the budget process because they are unaware of how these documents are assembled. However, this team aims to help them learn how they can work with government officials to redesign a budget that matches the community’s priorities. Through this process, research shows that residents can gain confidence in local government and they may be empowered to continue supporting their community.

Principal investigator: John Murphy, professor of sociology


  • COVID-19: Evaluating fault lines in the health of our communities and developing community-centered solutions

Current health data for historically low-income, underserved communities in Miami reveals substantial inequities across a wide number of health indicators—from  infant  mortality  and  cancer  incidence to  airborne diesel particulate matter. Through the School of Law’s Community Equity, Innovation, and Resource Lab, existing relationships with community organizations in west Coconut Grove reveal that public access to this data is challenging. Therefore, this project will collect new data about human and environmental health conditions in this community, as well as offer outreach and education about this information. The team will also investigate public and private health care service delivery and resource allocation practices and determine how these factors affect health outcomes for residents of the community. Then, team members will work closely with local stakeholders to assist their community in law and policy reform campaigns at local, state, and federal levels.

Principal investigator: Anthony Alfieri, professor in the University of Miami School of Law


  • Early childhood system integration to promote community resilience and equity for children of color

This project follows on the heels of research started by the IDEAS Consortium for Children, founded in 2018 through a previous U-LINK grant. The consortium is a cooperative between the University and local early childhood organizations—including The Children’s Trust, the Early Learning Coalition of Miami-Dade/Monroe counties, Miami-Dade County Public Schools and the Miami-Dade County Head Start/Early Head Start program—which aims to understand the most beneficial strategies to support children younger than age five. Recently, the group created an interactive mapping tool called the neighborhood risk index, which weighs children’s resilience by measuring their own neighborhood risks with kindergarten readiness skills. This allows the group to analyze early childhood data at the street level. Despite areas of risk in low-income neighborhoods like Little Havana and Little Haiti, many pockets of children in these communities fared well on the risk index. So, now researchers want to unpack what led to this resilience, seen as a key indicator of future childhood success. They will also apply a racial and equity lens to the data, so that they can share the gaps in support and resources with community leaders in Black neighborhoods to help future children get the support that they need.

Principal investigator: Rebecca Shearer, professor of psychology, with a focus on early childhood and social emotional health


  • Joint Academic Nurtureship for Underrepresented Students (JANUS): A Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts, and Mathematics (STEAM) Initiative

Just 11 percent of college students in the United States are Black, and only 3.9 percent of these students hold bachelor’s degrees in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM). Just 1 percent of those STEM degrees go to Black women. With those figures as a backdrop, this team—whose work will also be funded by the University’s Clinical and Translational Sciences Institute and Sylvester Comprehensive Cancer Center—aims to create a STEM mentorship and research internship program for Black University of Miami undergraduates, as well as local public high school students. As part of this program, team leaders hope to offer stipends to students that would offset the loss of part-time jobs, as well as remote delivery to accommodate COVID-19 restrictions. Faculty members who agree to participate will be exposed to educational modules that explore the history of anti-Black racism in the United States, and the effort will partner with existing University mentoring programs, including the School of Education and Human Development’s Inspire U Academy, which pairs University Hammond Scholars with students from historically Black high schools in Miami, and the First Star University of Miami Academy, a college preparatory program for youth impacted by the child welfare system.

Principal investigator: Ashutosh Agarwal, associate professor of biomedical engineering and associate director of the Dr. John T. Macdonald Foundation Biomedical Nanotechnology Institute


  • Racism in America: Conversations beyond Black and white

This project aims to understand the roots of structural racism among immigrant populations in Miami and will do so by documenting conversations about anti-Black racism between first generation parents and their children. In particular, it will focus on anti-Black racism among Latin American, Caribbean, Asian, and African immigrants for the next two years through youth-centered engagement, research, and media production.

Principal investigator: Sanjeev Chatterjee, professor of cinema and interactive media


In addition, two teams that previously garnered U-LINK funding were reinvigorated by new social equity grants this year.

  • Facial Profiling: Defendant physical characteristics, machine learning analytics, and criminal justice disparities in Miami-Dade County

This project seeks to document the extent to which colorism shapes criminal justice outcomes and facial recognition technologies by analyzing the mugshots of 200,000 arrestees linked to court records in Miami-Dade County. In working with the Miami-Dade Public Defender’s Office, if the team finds that skin color discrimination in Miami courts exists, it could constitute a credible enough showing of discrimination to spur litigation. Also, since the Miami-Dade County Public Defender is committed to evidence-based methods for reducing disparities in the county’s criminal justice system, the team’s results could spur equal protection litigation surrounding colorism in courts or the use of facial recognition technology. In addition, the team hopes to encourage local police to adopt evidence-based guidelines for the use of facial recognition technology.

Principal investigator: Nick Petersen, assistant professor in sociology, as well as a secondary appointment in the School of Law


  • Anti-Bias Training Across the Data-Life Cycle: Project data inclusion

Despite a growing awareness of the lack of representation for women and communities of color in large-scale data sets, no standard educational approach to address discriminatory bias exists across data science fields. This team aims to design and offer community-based, anti-bias training in order to raise awareness of these inequities. In addition, they will address implicit and explicit racial and intersectional bias during data collection by first focusing on public health information. This team hopes that its work will address the lack of inclusion and equity in the data life cycle, and through anti-bias training interventions, it will target students and professionals across disciplines. Ultimately, these students can become ambassadors to educate and engage in anti-bias efforts in their future professional contexts.

Principal investigator: Jennifer Kahn, professor of education, focusing on the teaching of science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM)


To learn more about U-LINK, or if you are interested in joining one of the teams, visit its website or contact the Office of the Vice Provost for Research and Scholarship at 305-243-1660.


By : Janette Neuwahl Tannen

Date : October 8, 2020

Source : University of Miami 


Back to top

The case for a green recovery in post-COVID Latin America


The impact of COVID-19 will be more serious in Latin America than anywhere else in the world. To mitigate the damage and improve long-term prospects, the region needs to target a green recovery based on environmentally friendly growth and an expansion of renewable energy, writes Amir Lebdioui (LSE Latin America and Caribbean Centre).

The combination of COVID-19 and collapsing oil prices is expected to cause Latin American economies to contract by an average of 7.2% in 2020. Bouncing back from this massive shock will be no easy task. There is, however, a growing realisation that a return to the status quo will not be enough, and momentum is building towards the idea of “building back better”.

To date, most of the debate around the idea of a green recovery (and previously the Green New Deal) has taken place within a handful of advanced economies, with only minor exceptions like the “Pacto Ecosocial del Sur” emerging in the Latin American context. The irony is that Latin America has great need and great potential for a green recovery, not least because its rich legacy of development thinking has increasingly incorporated indigenous perspectives that promote development in harmony with nature (especially in Bolivia and Ecuador).


Why does the post-COVID recovery need to be green?

One crucial advantage of green recovery programmes is that they offer an opportunity to tackle several interrelated socioeconomic objectives at the same time: economic development, job creation, decarbonisation, and the kind of improved public health that also increases resilience to pandemics. In essence, green stimulus packages aim to address the so-called “triple crisis” of interrelated economic, social, and ecological problems by creating a vibrant, climate-resilient economy with broadly shared benefits for all.

Green stimulus programmes need to be prioritised for three main reasons:


1. Environmental protection

Although the pandemic led indirectly to positive short-term environmental outcomes, several international organisations and experts have warned that this is no silver lining. Reduced greenhouse gas emissions were mostly due to temporary lockdowns, and levels of industrial production and fossil-fuel consumption will likely bounce back to pre-crisis levels just as they did after the 2008 financial crisis. Indeed, lower oil prices caused by falling demand could even encourage fossil-fuel consumption at the expense of renewable energy. Cars have also been favoured over public transportation as citizens seek to reduce contamination risks. Urgent action is needed if emissions are to be reduced sustainably in the long term.


2. Public health

COVID-19 has had an impact on the environment, but the environment also has an impact on pandemics. Energy transitions are a public health issue too, as they can generate long-term health benefits and bolster resilience to pandemics. The cleaner air associated with cleaner energy can help reduce COVID-19 deaths. Environmental degradation and climate change also contribute to the transmission of diseases from animals to humans. Building long-term resilience to pandemics will therefore require stricter environmental regulations.


3. Recovery rather than rescue

As emphasised by Lord Stern of LSE’s Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, a rescue without a recovery has no future. A return to funding “dirty” and “sunset” industries could easily create stranded assets, with sudden drop-offs in demand leaving these investments unprofitable and their workers unemployable. To guarantee decent jobs and job security, governments need to invest now in the jobs and skills of the future, with both the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) and the International Energy Agency already having demonstrated the tremendous potential for job creation in renewable energies

The business case for a green recovery in Latin America is also strong. A recent study by the Inter-American Development Bank revealed that Chile’s pension and sovereign wealth funds would have reaped even higher returns through green investing. The idea that there is always a trade-off between sustainability and financial returns is a fallacy.

In the post-COVID-19 context, stimulus packages provide an opportunity to leverage the socioeconomic benefits associated with energy transition, but relying on market forces alone won’t be enough. Recovery packages need to be anchored in forward-looking industrial policies. States have a key role to play in promoting the transformation of productive structures towards green industries. This is especially true of developing countries that lack pre-existing capabilities in these areas, where market forces may detract from welfare-optimal outcomes and where broader trends in anti-poverty and recovery policies have long favoured consumption jobs over production jobs.

A recent IRENA report (to which I contributed) puts forward various industrial policies that can enhance local industrial capacities in renewable energy sectors. These include supplier-development programmes, fiscal incentives, price-control mechanisms, support for research and development (R&D; notably through long term patient capital), and improved education and training programmes.


Climate change and Latin American development

These issues are particularly crucial to the future of Latin America, because the region’s trade is intrinsically linked to climate change. Several Latin American countries are dependent on fossil fuels that are at risk of becoming stranded assets as the world  ecarbonizes its economic systems. Outside of extractives, the region is also dependent on agro-commodities, where productivity is particularly vulnerable to fluctuations in temperature and precipitation. To note just a few obvious examples, climate change poses a serious risk to salmon farming in Chile, coffee in Colombia, and cacao in Ecuador.

In addition to the region’s direct productive vulnerability to climate change, Latin American firms will have to adapt as consumer demand shifts towards more sustainable products in key markets. The growing popularity of Green New Deal proposals in the United States and the European Union will inevitably bring regulatory changes that will reshape consumption patterns. Developing countries need to anticipate these “green” trade regulations and sustainability standards, shifting their productive capabilities towards export of green goods and services that will enjoy long-term access to the largest consumer markets.


The Latin American response so far

While Costa Rica has recently launched a “bioeconomy strategy” that seeks to address the challenge of COVID-19 via promotion of a green knowledge economy, most of the region’s responses to the crisis have seemed to look the other way, opting for fiscal austerity and increased environmental degradation.

In Brazil, the recent intensification of efforts to dismantle environmental protections came alongside a scaling back of environmental enforcement during the coronavirus outbreak. In Ecuador, the government has announced that it will cut the education budget in response to the pandemic; in the long term, this will have a negative impact on Ecuador’s accumulation of skilled human capital and therefore also its ability to upgrade into higher-value added activities.

Such responses are simply unsustainable in the long run. A country’s ability to escape the middle-income trap largely depends on its ability to build innovative and productive capabilities, which requires skilled human capital and R&D support. The region’s average R&D expenditure (as a share of GDP) is already amongst the lowest in the world, falling well below the world average (see below). If they are to stimulate long-term growth, Latin American countries need more investment in human capital and R&D, not less.

This is also true of green R&D. In 2014, just four countries accounted for three quarters of the renewable energy patents filed worldwide: China, the United States, Japan, and Germany. The lagging share of spending on low-carbon R&D in developing regions (including Latin America) will have important implications for domestic firms’ ability to make best use of the window of technological opportunity provided by energy transitions.


Is a green stimulus risky or unrealistic?

Critics may argue that green industries are beyond the efficiency frontier of Latin American firms, or that policy interventions might be too costly. These kinds of ambitious programmes are also likely to face opposition from fossil-fuel lobbies and their domestic allies, meaning that governments favouring green transitions will need to be skilful in bringing broad alliances and state-business coalitions onside. And as with any industrial policy, there are indeed real risks and real challenges.

But we must never forget that the alternative to a green recovery programme is far riskier and more expensive, both in economic and in human terms. COVID-19 represents a devastating crisis for Latin America and the rest of the world, but recovering from it also provides a chance to take bold, drastic, and necessary steps towards greener development models.


The Canning House Forum is a new partnership between the LSE Latin American and Caribbean Centre and Canning House that aims to promote research and policy engagement around the overarching theme of “The Future of Latin America and the Caribbean”.


Dr Amir Lebdioui is the Canning House Research Fellow at LSE Latin American and Caribbean Centre. His research examines the interplay between industrial policy, natural resource management, and the sustainable development agenda.


By : Amir Lebdioui

Date : September 1, 2020

Source : LSE Blogs 


Back to top

What’s behind violence in South Africa: a sociologist’s perspective


The 2018 Global Peace Index listed South Africa as one of the most violent and dangerous places on earth, and getting worse.

South Africa has a long history of violence. It was used as a tool of power and governance by colonialists to repress and control the indigenous people. The apartheid regime from 1948 used violence as part of its repertoire to gain and maintain social and political control.

Such a culture of violence is hard to stop, especially when it has become a  nstitution and  nstitutionalized form of coercion.

South Africans are living with this legacy.

But, to understand the level of violence in democratic South Africa, it is useful to engage with the work of the Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung. He identified three main sources of violence: direct, structural and cultural. These provide a useful lens to understand the underlying causes of conflict that fuel violence and undermine positive peace.


Direct violence

Direct violence or personal violence includes a physical or psychological component to produce hurt and harm, to the point of killing. It can occur between individuals, groups and nations and is an act of violence with a clear subject, object and action.

This includes war, torture, fighting, gun violence, and physical and emotional abuse. In South Africa, these acts of direct violence are reflected in the high levels of violent crime – including rape and murder as well as domestic and gang violence directed at people.

While not peculiar to South Africa, direct or personal violence is facilitated by easy access to weapons, a general climate of lawlessness, high levels of violent protests and corruption within the criminal justice system. Without doubt, this has contributed to the public feeling unprotected, and has increased distrust in the police, while allowing crime to flourish. But such direct, visible acts do not explain the underlying causes of the violence.


Structural violence

Underlying direct violence is structural violence entrenched in unequal power relations embedded within society. Structural violence is defined as social and personal violence arising from unjust, repressive and oppressive political, economic, and social structures that affect people’s chances in life.

These structures control access to quality education, employment and health care. They affect the basic human needs of survival and welfare. In education (the most crucial, in my view), these inequalities are growing. The fact that only a few people can afford to send their children to well-resourced, fee-charging schools widens inequalities.

For example, the higher education participation rate is just 15.6% for black South Africans, while for Indian and white people (aged 20–24) it is 49.3% and 52.8%. This dictates future employment. Similar discrepancies exist in access to basic health care, between those who can afford private health care, and the poor majority who depend on the failing public health care system.

This indirect, silent violence affects more people than direct violence as it erodes one’s ability to gain access to goods and services necessary for survival through legitimate means.

It is this social and economic inequality that fuels violent crime and protest in the country. Since 2008 more than two million people have taken to the streets in protest every year as a result, a clear indication of the “rebellion of the poor”. A recent example of such violent protest and the effect of widening conflict into surrounding communities is seen in the decision by Rio Tinto, the mining group, to shut its Richards Bay operations and freeze an expansion project.

Such events have been met with higher levels of direct police violence and brutality. Yet this does not provide the complete picture. Rising levels of crime and violence are linked not only to the country’s economic, social and political woes, but to other underlying cultural factors.


Cultural violence

Cultural violence is symbolic violence where, for example, language, religion and ideology are used to  nstitutio or justify direct and structural violence. This feeds into a social culture of discrimination, racism, prejudice and sexism, which contributes to the vicious cycle of violence.

This is reflected in the high levels of sexual violence and systemic  nstitutionalized patriarchy that foster the culture of violence against women.

Cultural violence is strongly influenced by prevailing attitudes, beliefs and messages that surround people in everyday life. A culture has developed in the country where direct violence is seen as the most effective means to respond to conflict.

A discourse has emerged that glorifies the use of violence, through war narratives, by some political leaders who use military values, symbols and rhetoric to mobilise and gain support. This perpetuates militarism as an ideology that embraces social practices that regard the use of violence as normal and desirable. One can see this within the police.


Turning the tide

The challenge is how to turn the situation around, as all three forms of violence are interlinked and mutually reinforcing. Seeking to suppress violent crime in South Africa through the threat of direct violence by the state, such as deploying the army to combat gangsterism in the Western Cape, is not the solution.

It reinforces the notion that violence is to be met with violence, without addressing the deeper underlying structural and cultural issues that perpetuate conflict.

Addressing structural and cultural violence is a lot more difficult than addressing direct violence, but lies at the root of the violence experienced in South Africa. Failure to do so may lead to even more severe levels of violence that could potentially destabilise the state, putting the safety and security of people in even greater jeopardy. Sadly, the country continues to focus on direct violence instead of addressing the causes.


By : Lindy Heinecken 

(Chair of the Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, 

Stellenbosch University)

Date : January 16, 2020

Source : The Conversation 


Back to top